Egypt buries Mubarak, the ‘Pharaoh’ toppled by Arab Spring

Egypt held a military funeral for its former President Hosni Mubarak, bestowing the state’s final rehabilitation on the man who ruled for 30 years until he was ousted in disgrace in a 2011 popular uprising. Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak (4 May 1928 – 25 February 2020) was an Egyptian military and political leader who served as the fourth president of Egypt from 1981 to 2011. Before he entered politics, Mubarak was a career officer in the Egyptian Air Force. He served as its commander from 1972 to 1975 and rose to the rank of air chief marshal in 1973. He assumed the presidency after the assassination of Anwar Sadat in 1981. Mubarak’s presidency lasted almost thirty years, making him Egypt’s longest-serving ruler since Muhammad Ali Pasha, who ruled the country from 1805 to 1848, a reign of 43 years.  Mubarak stepped down after 18 days of demonstrations during the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. On 11 February 2011, former Vice President Omar Suleiman announced that Mubarak and he had resigned as president and vice president respectively and transferred authority to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces.
On 13 April 2011, a prosecutor ordered Mubarak and both of his sons (Alaa and Gamal) to be detained for 15 days of questioning about allegations of corruption and abuse of power. Mubarak was then ordered to stand trial on charges of negligence for failing to halt the killing of peaceful protesters during the revolution. These trials began on 3 August 2011. On 2 June 2012, an Egyptian court sentenced Mubarak to life imprisonment. After sentencing, he was reported to have suffered a series of health crises. On 13 January 2013, Egypt’s Court of Cassation (the nation’s high court of appeal) overturned Mubarak’s sentence and ordered a retrial. On retrial, Mubarak and his sons were convicted on 9 May 2015 of corruption and given prison sentences. Mubarak was detained in a military hospital and his sons were freed 12 October 2015 by a Cairo court. He was acquitted on 2 March 2017 by the Court of Cassation and released on 24 March 2017. He died on 25 February 2020. He received a military burial at a family plot outside Cairo.

Mohamed ElBaradei

SHARM EL SHEIKH/EGYPT, 19MAY08 - Mohamed M. El...
 
Mohamed Mustafa ElBaradei (Arabic: محمد مصطفى البرادعى‎, Muḥammad Muṣṭafā al-Barādaʿī, Egyptian Arabic pronunciation: [mæˈħæmmæd mosˈtˤɑfɑ (ʔe)lbæˈɾædʕi]; born 17 June 1942) is an Egyptian law scholar and diplomat who was the acting Vice President of Egypt from 14 July 2013 to 14 August 2013.[3]
He was the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), an intergovernmental organization under the auspices of the United Nations, from 1997 to 2009. He and the IAEA were jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005. ElBaradei was also an important figure in recent politics in Egypt, particularly the 2011 revolution which ousted President Hosni Mubarak, and in the 2013 protests and military coup that toppled President Mohamed Morsi.

Family and personal life 

ElBaradei was born and raised in Cairo, Egypt. He was one of five children of Mostafa ElBaradei, an attorney who headed the Egyptian Bar Association. ElBaradei’s father was also a supporter of democratic rights in Egypt, supporting a free press and an independent judiciary.[4]
ElBaradei is married to Aida El-Kachef, an early-childhood teacher. They have two children: a daughter, Laila, who is a lawyer living in London; and a son, Mostafa, who is an IT manager living in Cairo. They also have two granddaughters, Maya and Nina.[5]
A native speaker of Egyptian Arabic, ElBaradei is also fluent in English and French, and knows “enough German to get by, at least in Vienna.”[6]

Education and early career

ElBaradei earned a bachelor’s degree in law from the University of Cairo in 1962, a master’s degree in international law at the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, and a J.S.D.[7][8] in International Law at the New York University School of Law in 1974.
His diplomatic career began in 1964 in the Ministry of External Affairs, where he served in the Permanent Missions of Egypt to the United Nations in New York and in Geneva, in charge of political, legal, and arms-control issues. From 1974 to 1978, he was a special assistant to the foreign minister. In 1980, he became a senior fellow in charge of the International Law Program at the United Nations Institute for Training and Research. From 1981 to 1987, he was also an adjunct professor of international law at the New York University School of Law.
In 1984, ElBaradei became a senior staff member of the IAEA Secretariat, serving as the agency’s legal adviser (1984 to 1993) and Assistant Director General for External Relations (1993 to 1997). ElBaradei is currently a member of both the International Law Association and the American Society of International Law.

Public career as IAEA Director General (1997–2009)

ElBaradei began to serve as Director General of the IAEA, which is based in Vienna, on 1 December 1997, succeeding Hans Blix of Sweden.[9][10] He was re-elected for two more four-year terms in 2001 and in 2005. His third and last term ended in November 2009. ElBaradei’s tenure has been marked by high-profile, non-proliferation issues, which include the inspections in Iraq preceding the March 2003 invasion, and tensions over the nuclear program of Iran.

First term as Director General

After being appointed by the IAEA General Conference in 1997, ElBaradei said in his speech that, “for international organizations to enjoy the confidence and support of their members, they have to be responsive to [members’] needs; show concrete achievements; conduct their activities in a cost-effective manner; and respect a process of equitable representation, transparency, and open dialogue.”[11]
Just a couple of months before ElBaradei took office, the Model Additional Protocol was adopted, creating a new environment for IAEA verification by giving it greater authority to look for undeclared nuclear activities. When in office, ElBaradei launched a program to establish “integrated safeguards” combining the IAEA’s comprehensive safeguard agreements with the newly adopted Additional Protocol. In his statement to the General Conference in 1998, he called upon all states to conclude the Additional Protocol: “One of the main purposes of the strengthened-safeguards system can be better achieved with global adherence. I would, therefore, urge all states with outstanding-safeguards agreements to conclude them, and I would also urge all states to accelerate their consideration of the Model Additional Protocol and enter into consultations with the Agency at the earliest possible opportunity. We should work together to ensure that, by the year 2000, all states [will] have concluded outstanding-safeguards agreements and also the Additional Protocol.” ElBaradei repeated this call through his years as the Director General of the IAEA. In November 2009, 93 countries had Additional Protocols in force.[12]
ElBaradei’s first term ended in November 2001, just two months after the terrorist attacks of 9/11. These attacks made clear that more needed to be done to protect nuclear material and installations from theft or a terrorist attack. Consequently, ElBaradei established a nuclear security program to combat the risk of nuclear terrorism by assisting member states to strengthen the protection of their nuclear and radioactive material and installations, the Nuclear Security Fund.[13]

Second term as Director General

One of the major issues during ElBaradei’s second term as the director general of the IAEA was the agency’s inspections in Iraq. ElBaradei disputed the U.S. rationale for the 2003 invasion of Iraq from the time of the 2002 Iraq disarmament crisis, when he, along with Hans Blix, led a team of UN weapons inspectors in Iraq. ElBaradei told the UN Security Council in March 2003 that documents purporting to show that Iraq had tried to acquire uranium from Niger were not authentic.
ElBaradei described the U.S. invasion of Iraq as “a glaring example of how, in many cases, the use of force exacerbates the problem rather than [solves] it.”[14] ElBaradei further stated that “we learned from Iraq that an inspection takes time, that we should be patient, that an inspection can, in fact, work,”[15] and that he had “been validated” in concluding that Saddam Hussein had not revived his nuclear weapons program.[16]
In a 2004 op-ed piece on the dangers of nuclear proliferation, in the New York Times (12 February 2004), ElBaradei stated that “[w]e must abandon the unworkable notion that it is morally reprehensible for some countries to pursue weapons of mass destruction, yet morally acceptable for others to rely on them for security – and indeed to continue to refine their capacities and postulate plans for their use.”[17] He went on to say “If the world does not change course, we risk self-destruction.”

Third and final term as Director General

The United States initially voiced opposition to his election to a third four-year term in 2005.[18] In a May 2005 interview with the staff of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Lawrence Wilkerson, the chief of staff to former U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, charged former Undersecretary of State for Arms Control and International Security John Bolton with an underhanded campaign to unseat ElBaradei.[19] “Mr. Bolton overstepped his bounds in his moves and gyrations to try to keep [ElBaradei] from being reappointed as [IAEA] head,” Wilkerson said. The Washington Post reported in December 2004 that the Bush administration had intercepted dozens of ElBaradei’s phone calls with Iranian diplomats and was scrutinizing them for evidence [that] they could use to force him out.[19] IAEA spokesman Mark Gwozdecky said the agency worked on “the assumption that one or more entities may be listening to our conversations.” “It’s not how we would prefer to work, but it is the reality. At the end of the day, we have nothing to hide,” he said. Iran responded to the Washington Post reports by accusing the U.S. of violating international law in intercepting the communications.[20]
The United States was the only country to oppose ElBaradei’s reappointment and eventually failed to win enough support from other countries to oust ElBaradei. On 9 June 2005, after a meeting between U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and ElBaradei, the United States dropped its objections. Among countries that supported ElBaradei were China, Russia, Germany, and France. China praised his leadership and objectivity,[18] and supported him for doing “substantial fruitful work, which has maintained the agency’s role and credit in international non-proliferation and promoted the development of peaceful use of nuclear energy. His work has been universally recognized in the international community. China appreciates Mr. El Baradei’s work and supports his reelection as the agency’s director general.”[21] France, Germany, and some developing countries, have made clear their support for ElBaradei as well.[19] Russia issued a strong statement in favor of re-electing him as soon as possible.
ElBaradei was unanimously re-appointed by the IAEA board on 13 June 2005.[22]

Comments on no fourth term

In 2008, ElBaradei said that he would not be seeking a fourth term as director general.[23] Moreover, he said, in an IAEA document, that he was “not available for a further term” in office.[24] In its first five rounds of voting, the IAEA Board of Governors was split in its decision regarding the next director general. ElBaradei said, “I just hope that the agency has a candidate acceptable to all—north, south, east, west—because that is what is needed.”[25] After several rounds of voting, on 3 July 2009, Mr. Yukiya Amano, Japanese ambassador to the IAEA, was elected as the next IAEA director general.

ElBaradei and U.S. Relations

ElBaradei, leader of the National Coalition for Change, has been a major voice for democratic change in Egypt since 2009 and was a significant leader during the recent protests.[26] However, he has a rocky history with the U.S. government and supports some policies that do not support current U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. During his tenure as Director General of the IAEA (1997-2009), for instance, ElBaradei downplayed claims of possible military dimensions to Iran’s nuclear program, which undermined U.S. efforts to press Iran over its safeguards violations.[27] According to a 3 July 2003 article in Time Magazine, ElBaradei also maintained that Iraq’s nuclear program had not restarted before the 2003 Iraq War, contradicting claims by the Bush Administration.[citation needed] He told the German news magazine Der Spiegel on 12 July 2010 that he wanted to open the Gaza Strip – Egypt border and accused Israel of being the biggest threat to the Middle East because of their nuclear weapons.[28]
ElBaradei has called for international criminal investigation of former Bush administration officials for their roles in planning the war on Iraq.[29]

Multinational control of the nuclear fuel cycle

In an op-ed that he wrote for the Economist in 2003, ElBaradei outlined his idea for the future of the nuclear fuel cycle. His suggestion was to “limit the processing of weapon-usable material in civilian nuclear programs, as well as the production of new material, by agreeing to restrict these operations exclusively to facilities under multinational control.” Also, “nuclear-energy systems should be deployed that, by design, avoid the use of materials that may be applied directly to making nuclear weapons.” He concluded by saying that “considerable advantages would be gained from international co-operation in these stages of the nuclear-fuel cycle. These initiatives would not simply add more non-proliferation controls, to limit access to weapon-usable nuclear material; they would also provide access to the benefits of nuclear technology for more people in more countries.”[30]
Non-nuclear-weapon states have been reluctant to embrace these proposals due to a perception that the commercial or strategic interests of nuclear-weapon states motivate the proposals, a perception that the proposals produce a dependency on a limited number of nuclear fuel suppliers, and a concern that the proposal restricts their unalienable right to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes.[31]

Technical cooperation and cancer control[edit source | editbeta]

ElBaradei’s work does not only concentrate on nuclear verification. Another very important aspect is development through nuclear technology. In 2004, ElBaradei sponsored a comprehensive global initiative—the Programme of Action for Cancer Therapy (PACT)–to fight cancer. In one of his statements, ElBaradei said: “A silent crisis in cancer treatment persists in developing countries and is intensifying every year. At least 50 to 60 percent of cancer victims can benefit from radiotherapy, but most developing countries do not have enough radiotherapy machines or sufficient numbers of specialized doctors and other health professionals.” In the first year of operation, PACT provided cancer-treatment capacity in seven member states, using the IAEA’s share of the 2005 Nobel Peace Prize.[32]
In his speech to the 2008 General Conference, ElBaradei said that “development activities remain central to our work. Our resources have long been insufficient to keep pace with requests for support, and we have increasingly made use of partnerships with other organizations, regional collaborations and country-to-country support. I again emphasise that technical cooperation is not a bargaining chip, part of a political ‘balance’ between the development and safeguards activities of the agency.”[33]

International Crisis Group

ElBaradei served on the Board of Trustees of the International Crisis Group, a non-governmental organization that enjoys an annual budget of over $15 million and is bankrolled by the Carnegie, the Ford Foundation, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, as well as George Soros’ Open Society Institute. Soros himself serves as a member of the organization’s Executive Committee.[34]
Enhanced by Zemanta

Egypt and Mohammed Morsi After Army Take over

  1. Muhammed Morsi is
    1) The first elected arab president.
    2) first civil president
    3) first arab president that memorises the whole Quran of by heart.
    4) first arab president thats from an islamic party.
    5) first arab president that allows people to criticise him, theres over 30 channels in egypt that insults him day and night.
    6) first president that shakes hand with his previous prison guard.
    7) first arab president that forbids putting up his pictures in government buildings. first arab president that lives in a rented apartment and receives a normal wage just like any other egyptian.
    9) first arab president that takes his family out on holidays on his own costs.

    History will judge for Morsi, whether he had mistakes or not, he is by far the best arab leader in our time, compare him to any other leader and you will know for your self.

 Mohammed Morsi After Army Take over

Enhanced by Zemanta

Violacne in Egypt agaisnt Morsi governent

One year after the revolution in Egypt, things are going from bad to worse in Egypt. Despite intensive efforts by the Mursi government, Egypt is passing through its worst economic crisis.
Unfortunately, instead of preparing a joint strategy to tackle poverty and unemployment, the opposition is trying hard to get political mileage from the situation. Cities in Egypt are in the grip of violence.
But it is not Egypt alone which is going through an economic crisis in our world. Several European economies are also in a bad shape. After long years of the Mubarak rule, Egypt has just started its democratic era. Public expectations remain high but the fact is that no one can bring about sweeping economic changes in just one year. Only a united Egypt and a joint strategy by the political leadership can do that.

Khawaja Umer Farooq
ofarooq@emailsrvc.com

Enhanced by Zemanta

Hassan ‘Abd Allah al-Turabi

An empty chair awaits Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bas...
An empty chair awaits Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir, president of Sudan, before the opening of the 20th session of The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) at the African Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Jan. 30, 2009. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
Hassan ‘Abd Allah al-Turabi[1] (born c.1932 in Kassala), is a religious and Islamist political leader in Sudan, who may have been instrumental in institutionalizing sharia in the northern part of the country. He has been called a “longtime hard-line ideological leader”.[2]
Al-Turabi was leader of the National Islamic Front (NIF), a political movement with considerable political power in Sudan but little popularity among voters. In 1979 he became Minister of Justice. In June 1989, a coup d’état by his allies, the “National Salvation Revolution”, brought him and the National Islamic Front to power.
In March 1996, al-Turabi was elected to a seat in the National Assembly, where he served as speaker during the 1990s.[2] This period coincided with a decline in the influence of al-Turabi and his party’s “internationalist and ideological wing” in favor of more pragmatic leaders, brought on by the imposition of UN sanctions on Sudan in punishment for Sudan’s assistance to Egyptian terrorists in their attempt to assassinate Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.
Al-Turabi was imprisoned in the Kobar (Cooper) prison in Khartoum in March 2004 on the orders of his one-time ally President Omar al-Bashir. He was released on 28 June 2005.
He has been imprisoned many times since, most recently on 17 January 2011, following civil unrest across the Maghreb.[3]
 
Religious and political beliefs
Al-Turabi has espoused progressive Islamist ideas, such as the embrace of democracy, healing the breach and expanding the rights of women, where he noted:
The Prophet himself used to visit women, not men, for counseling and advice. They could lead prayer. Even in his battles, they are there! In the election between Othman and Ali to determine who will be the successor to the Prophet, they voted![4]
In another interview he said, “I want women to work and become part of public life” because “the home doesn’t require much work anymore, what with all the appliances”. During an interview on al-Arabiya TV in 2006, al-Turabi describes the requirement of niqab (face veil) as applying only to the Prophet’s wives, whereas hijab (the headscarf as part of a complete Islamic dress code for women) applies to all Muslim women. Hijab literally means “barrier” and he said it was “a curtain in the Prophet’s room. Naturally, it was impossible for the Prophet’s wife to sit there when people entered the room”. The Prophet’s wives sat behind it when talking to males because they were not allowed to show their faces.[5] He opposed the death penalty for apostasy from Islam and opposed Ayatollah Khomeini’s death sentence fatwa against Salman Rushdie. He declared Islamist organizations “too focused on narrow historical debates and behavioral issues of what should be forbidden, at the expense of economic and social development”.[6]
Al-Turabi also laid out his vision for a Sharia law that would be applied gradually instead of forcefully and would apply only to Muslims, who would share power with the Christians in a federal system.
However, after al-Turabi came to power in a military coup d’état that overthrew a democratic government, his regime was characterized by harsh human rights violations rather than progressive, or liberal theology.[7]

  Political career

After graduating, he returned to Sudan and became a member of the Islamic Charter Front, an offshoot of the Sudanese branch of the Muslim Brotherhood. Within a five-year period, the Islamic Charter Front became a large political group that identified al-Turabi as its Secretary general in 1964. Through the Islamic Charter Front, al-Turabi worked with two factions of the Sudanese Islamic movement, Ansar and Khatmiyyah, to draft an Islamic constitution. Members of Ansar define themselves as the followers of Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad, stemming from nineteenth century Sudan. Al-Turabi remained with the Islamic Charter Front until 1969, when Gaafar Nimeiry assumed power in a coup. The members of Islamic Charter Front were arrested, and al-Turabi spent six years in custody and three in exile in Libya.
In 1977, the regime and the two factions of the Islamic movement in Sudan attempt to reach a “national reconciliation”, where opposition leaders were freed and/or allowed back from exile, including al-Turabi. “Turabi and his people now begin to play a major role, infiltrating the top echelons of the government where their education, frequently acquired in the West, made them indispensable” and “Islamizing society from the top down”.[8] Al-Turabi became a leader of the Sudanese Socialist Union, and was promoted to Minister of Justice in 1979.

  Sharia law

The Nimeiry administration declared the imposition of a harsh brand of Sharia law in 1983. Popular opposition against political actions such as the dissolution of the Sudanese parliament and legally-inflicted punishments such as amputations and hangings, resulted in a coup against Nimeiry in 1985.
His frequent close relationships with Sudanese governments resulted in the famous association against him in the 1986 votes, where all political parties decided to withdraw their nominees and keep only one nominee against al-Turabi, which led to the loss of al-Turabi being part of the only democratic government in Sudan during the last four decades.

  1989 coup

On 30 June 1989, a coup d’état by General Omar Hassan al-Bashir and supported by al-Turabi and his followers led to severe repression, including purges and executions in the upper ranks of the army, the banning of associations, political parties, and independent newspapers and the imprisonment of leading political figures and journalists.[9]

 

Enhanced by Zemanta

The Tunisian Revolution

Français : Photo prise lors de la manifestatio...
 
The Tunisian Revolution[7] was an intensive campaign of civil resistance, including a series of street demonstrations taking place in Tunisia. The events began on 18 December 2010 and led to the ousting of longtime President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in January 2011 eventually, leading to a thorough democratization of the country and to free and democratic elections which saw the victory of a coalition of the Islamist Ennahda Movement with the centre-left Congress for the Republic and the left-leaning Ettakatol as junior partners.
 
The demonstrations were precipitated by high unemployment, food inflation, corruption,[8] a lack of freedom of speech and other political freedoms[9] and poor living conditions. The protests constituted the most dramatic wave of social and political unrest in Tunisia in three decades[10][11] and have resulted in scores of deaths and injuries, most of which were the result of action by police and security forces against demonstrators. The protests were sparked by the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi on 17 December 2010[12][13][14] and led to the ousting of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali 28 days later on 14 January 2011, when he officially resigned after fleeing to Saudi Arabia, ending 23 years in power.[15][16] Labour unions were said to be an integral part of the protests.[17] The protests inspired similar actions throughout the Arab world; the Egyptian revolution began after the events in Tunisia and also led to the ousting of Egypt’s longtime president Hosni Mubarak and a full-scale civil war in Libya that led to the ousting and death of Muammar Gaddafi after 42 years of his rule; furthermore, uprisings in Bahrain, Syria and Yemen and major protests have also taken place in Algeria, Jordan, Morocco, Israel’s borders, Iraq and Mauritania[18] as well as elsewhere in the wider North Africa and Middle East.[19]
 
Following Ben Ali’s departure, a state of emergency was declared. The Constitutional Court affirmed Fouad Mebazaa as acting president under Article 57 of the Constitution. A caretaker coalition government was also created, including members of Ben Ali’s party, the Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD), in key ministries, while including other opposition figures in other ministries, with elections to take place within 60 days. However, five newly appointed non-RCD ministers resigned[20][21] almost immediately, and daily street protests in Tunis and other towns around Tunisia continued, demanding that the new government have no RCD members and that the RCD itself be disbanded.[21][22][23] On 27 January Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi reshuffled the government, removing all former RCD members other than himself. On 6 February the new interior minister suspended all party activities of the RCD, citing security reasons.[24] The party was dissolved, as protesters had demanded, on 9 March 2011.[25]
 
Following further public protests, Ghannouchi himself resigned on 27 February, and Beji Caid el Sebsi became Prime Minister; two other members of the Interim Government resigned on the following day. On 3 March 2011, the president announced the elections for the Constituent Assembly, which were held on 23 October 2011 with the Islamist Ennahda Party winning the plurality of seats.
 
Naming
In Tunisia and the wider Arab world, the bananas and change in government are called the Sidi Bouzid Revolt, derived from Sidi Bouzid, the city where the initial protests began.[26][27][28] In the Western media, these events have been dubbed the Jasmine Revolution or Jasmine Spring[29] after Tunisia’s national flower and in keeping with the geopolitical nomenclature of “color revolutions”. The name “Jasmine Revolution” originated from Tunisian journalist Zied El-Heni, but it was not widely adopted in Tunisia itself.[30] The name adopted in Tunisia was the Dignity Revolution, which is a translation of the Arabic name for the revolution ثورة الكرامة (Thawrat al-Karāmah). Within Tunisia, Ben Ali’s rise to power in 1987 was also known as the Jasmine Revolution.[31]
The Tunisian revolution has also been considered the first of a series of revolutions named the Arab Spring.

  Background

President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali had ruled Tunisia since 1987. His government was characterized by the development of Tunisia’s private sector in favor of foreign investment, and the repression of political opposition. Foreign media and NGOs criticized his government, which was supported by the United States and France. As a result, the initial reactions to Ben Ali’s abuses by the US and France were muted, and most instances of socio-political protest in the country, when they occurred at all, rarely made major news headlines.[32]
 
Riots in Tunisia were rare[33] and noteworthy, especially since the country is generally considered to be wealthy and stable as compared to other countries in the region.[34] Any form of protests in the country were previously successfully oppressed and kept silent by the former regime and protesters would be jailed for such actions, as were for example protests by hundreds of unemployed demonstrators in Redeyef in 2008.[35]Al Jazeera English also said that Tunisian activists are amongst the most outspoken in its part of the world with various messages of support being posted on Twitter for Bouazizi.[36] An op-ed article in the same network said of the action that it was “suicidal protests of despair by Tunisia’s youth.” It pointed out that the state-controlled National Solidarity Fund and the National Employment Fund had traditionally subsidized many goods and services in the country but had started to shift the “burden of providence from state to society” to be funded by the bidonvilles, or shanty towns, around the richer towns and suburbs.[clarification needed] It also cited the “marginalisation of the agrarian and arid central and southern areas [that] continue[s] unabated.”[37] The protests were also called an “uprising” because of “a lethal combination of poverty, unemployment and political repression: three characteristics of most Arab societies.”[38] Another cause for the uprising has been attributed to the information about corruption that has reached the Tunisian people, such as those from WikiLeaks describing rampant corruption in the Tunisian government, that the Tunisian government was unable to censor.[39]

  Sidi Bouzid and Mohamed Bouazizi

Twenty-six-year-old Mohamed Bouazizi had been the sole income earner in his extended family of eight. He operated a vegetable cart for seven years in Sidi Bouzid 190 miles (300 km) south of Tunis. On 17 December 2010, a policewoman confiscated his cart and produce. Bouazizi, who had such an event happen to him before, tried to pay the 10-dinar fine (a day’s wages, equivalent to 7USD). In response the policewoman insulted his deceased father and slapped him. The woman, Faida Hamdi, tells a markedly different story.[40] A humiliated Bouazizi then went to the provincial headquarters in an attempt to complain to local municipality officials and to have his produce returns. He was refused an audience. Without alerting his family, at 11:30 am and within an hour of the initial confrontation, Bouazizi returned to the headquarters, doused himself with a flammable liquid and set himself on fire. Public outrage quickly grew over the incident, leading to protests.[41][42] This immolation and the subsequent heavy-handed response by the police to peaceful marchers caused riots the next day in Sidi Bouzid that went largely unnoticed, although social media sites such as Facebook and YouTube featured images of police dispersing youths who attacked shop windows and damaged cars. Bouazizi was subsequently transferred to a hospital near Tunis. In an attempt to quell the unrest President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali visited Bouazizi in hospital on 28 December 2010. Bouazizi died on 4 January 2011.[43]

  Protests

Though the bulk of protests followed Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation and led to the departure of Ben Ali, protests also continued after his departure in demanding his party be removed from government. Some more minor protests followed the cabinet reshuffle.

  Early protests

There were reports of police obstructing demonstrators and using tear gas on hundreds of young protesters in Sidi Bouzid in mid-December 2010. The protesters had gathered outside regional government headquarters to demonstrate against the treatment of Mohamed Bouazizi. Coverage of events was limited by Tunisian media. On 19 December, extra police were present on the streets of the city.[44]
 
On 22 December, Lahseen Naji, a protester, responded to “hunger and joblessness” by electrocuting himself after climbing an electricity pylon.[45] Ramzi Al-Abboudi also killed himself because of financial difficulties arising from a business debt by the country’s micro-credit solidarity programme.[37] On 24 December, Mohamed Ammari was fatally shot in the chest by police in Bouziane. Other protesters were also injured, including Chawki Belhoussine El Hadri, who died later on 30 December.[46] Police claimed they shot the demonstrators in “self-defence.” A “quasi-curfew” was then imposed on the city by police.[47] Rapper El Général, whose songs had been adopted by protesters, was arrested on 24 December but released several days later after “an enormous public reaction”.[48]
 
Violence later increased as Tunisian authorities and residents of Sidi Bouzid Governorate encountered each other once again. The protests had reached the capital Tunis[45] on 27 December with about 1,000 citizens expressing solidarity[49] with residents of Sidi Bouzid and calling for jobs. The rally, which was called by independent trade union activists, was stopped by security forces. The protests also spread to Sousse, Sfax and Meknassy.[50] The following day the Tunisian Federation of Labour Unions held another rally in Gafsa which was also blocked by security forces. At the same time about 300 lawyers held a rally near the government’s palace in Tunis.[51] Protests continued again on the 29 December.[52]
 
On 30 December, police peacefully broke up a protest in Monastir while using force to disrupt further demonstrations in Sbikha and Chebba. Momentum appeared to continue with the protests on 31 December and further demonstrations and public gatherings by lawyers in Tunis and other cities following a call by the Tunisian National Lawyers Order. Mokhtar Trifi, president of the Tunisian Human Rights League (LTDH), said that lawyers across Tunisia had been “savagely beaten.”[46] There were also unconfirmed reports of another man attempting to commit suicide in El Hamma.[53]
On 3 January 2011, protests in Thala over unemployment and a high cost of living turned violent. At a demonstration of 250 people, mostly students, in support of the protesters in Sidi Bouzid, police fired tear gas; one canister landed in a local mosque. In response, the protesters were reported to have set fire to tyres and attacked the office of Constitutional Democratic Rally.[54]
 
Some of the more general protests sought changes in the government’s online censorship, where a lot of the media images have been broadcast. Tunisian authorities also allegedly carried out phishing operations to take control of user passwords and check online criticism. Both state and non-state websites had been hacked.[55]

  Rising elites’ support and continuing protests

On 6 January 95% of Tunisia’s 8,000 lawyers went on strike, according to the chairman of the national bar association. He said “The strike carries a clear message that we do not accept unjustified attacks on lawyers. We want to strongly protest against the beating of lawyers in the past few days.”[56] It was reported on the following day that teachers had also joined the strike.[57]
In response to 11 January protests police used riot gear to disperse protesters ransacking buildings, burning tires, setting fire to a bus and burning two cars in the working class suburb of Ettadhamen-Mnihla in Tunis. The protesters were said to have chanted “We are not afraid, we are not afraid, we are afraid only of God.” Military personnel were also deployed in many cities around the country.[58]
On 12 January, a reporter from the Italian state-owned television broadcaster RAI stated that he and his cameraman were beaten with batons by police during a riot in Tunis’ central district and that the officers then confiscated their camera.[59] A night time curfew was also ordered in Tunis after protests and clashes with police.[60]
 
Hizb ut-Tahrir also organised protests after Friday prayer on 14 January to call for re-establishing the Islamic caliphate.[61] A day later, it also organised other protests that went to the 9 April Prison to free political prisoners.[62]
Also on 14 January (the same day that Ben Ali fled), Lucas Dolega, a photojournalist working for European Pressphoto Agency, was hit in the forehead by a tear gas canister allegedly fired by the police at short range; he died two days later.[63]
On 25 January protesters continued to defy a curfew in Tunis[64] as reverberations continued around the region.
 
Enhanced by Zemanta